The Anti-Lockdown Movement and Fascism

Written By Red Kelly

By: H.N.F. Macheraut

09/08/2021

On Saturday the 24th of July Australia witnessed protests all over the country in opposition to lockdowns. The most concerning of these so-called “freedom marches” attracted 3,500 people in Sydney. It’s true that Covid restrictions have been abused to roll back civil rights, as witnessed during the BLM and Aboriginal Deaths in Custody protests last year, and that the pandemic response from state and federal governments has been inconsistent and inadequate at times. But these protests have nothing to do with defending the rights of working people. Unlike at progressive protests, most people marching on the 24th did so without masks, social distancing or any other attempts to be Covid safe. Their ranks were filled with anti-vaxxers and conspiracy theorists. However, they were not simply “boofheads” as NSW Police Minister David Elliott called them, nor were they just “a bunch of anarchists” as NSW Police Commissioner Mick Fuller stated [1]. They represent something far worse: a mobilisation of a fascist ideology.

But What Is Fascism?

Fascism takes on slightly different forms in each country it has arisen, making it difficult to cleanly define. However, each iteration shares some common features. Fascism is a petty-bourgeois ideology, i.e. small business owners and some categories of farmers, which is turned to by the big bourgeois in times when capitalism is faced with extreme crisis, usually high levels of working class consciousness. For example, compare fascism in Italy and Germany, the archetypes of fascism and allies at the time. They shared extreme anti-communism, ultra-nationalism and corporatism in common. They also had the national betrayal myth in common. Italian fascism cited their supposed “Vittoria Mutilata” (Mutilated Victory) in the First World War, where Italy supposedly did not receive as much as it should have in the peace treaty, which was blamed on the political establishment. The fascism of the Nazi party in Germany cited the “stabbed in the back myth,” where Germany supposedly lost the war because of Jews in the political elite forcing Germany to give up. Of course, neither of these myths were based in reality; they were what we would now refer to as conspiracy theories. But this begs the question: why is a myth of national betrayal an essential part of fascism?

“They do not think of the long term or the effects on society at large, rather themselves, the supply chains for their business and their immediate economic future”

This goes back to the nature of fascism as a petty-bourgeois ideology. When we say “ideology”, we actually mean a pseudo-ideology because there are, ultimately, only two ideologies - capitalist ideology in all its overt and covert forms, and working class ideology as expressed in Marxism-Leninism. On the one hand, the petty-bourgeoisie are capitalists who exploit workers and thus the class struggle is not the immediate solution they turn to for answers. But also they are still being undermined and done over by the big bourgeoisie and the processes of capitalism in many of the same ways that workers are. The petty-bourgeoisie is notorious for vacillations and wild shifts in allegiances. More often than not, their ambitions to join the ‘big bourgeoisie’ are frustrated and, so, are susceptible to the notion there is a cabal of people who are destroying the nation (and them) from within. They believe the system has degenerated from the ‘good old days’ when their position was more secure, but still favour the concept that private enterprise is essential and must be maintained. These are the hallmarks of a petty-bourgeois ideology, being torn both ways between workers and big bourgeoisie. They know something is wrong, but they blame the Jews or nebulous elites for their woes rather than the system of capitalism itself because that goes against their basic class interest.

Fascism and the Anti-Lockdown Movement

What is it about the anti-lockdown movement that makes it quintessentially a petty-bourgeois movement? Although it is true that the big bourgeoisie would prefer not to have lockdowns if possible, as has been reflected primarily by the Liberal Party and their sluggishness in instituting the initial lockdown in Sydney, they also recognise the long-term savings that a lockdown entails. The pockets of the big bourgeois are deeper and are regularly topped up by governments. They can better handle a shock to the system and are, relatively speaking, less susceptible to reckless and anti-scientific arguments. The petty-bourgeois, on the other hand, is not. As seen with the reaction to construction closing down, many people were outraged and found it unconscionable because they cannot maintain their businesses during a lockdown [2]. They will suffer massively now with no chance of recovery as they would have laid off all their employees or gone bankrupt. They do not think of the long term or the effects on society at large, rather themselves, the supply chains for their business and their immediate economic future.

Thus because of these factors, the petty-bourgeois has expressed this form of fascism in a very individualistic manner. It is about their economic interests as individuals. They had cries of “freedom” and placards decrying supposed “tyranny”, but these are only for their individual gain. As seen in Sydney, these people are more than willing to use violence to achieve their goals. The myth of a nebulous elite is essential to their movement, whether it be the outright anti-semitism of the Nazis, the “deep state” espoused by those of the QAnon variety, or the globalist elites of other conspiracy theories.

Fascism has always been a strongly anti-intellectual movement. An early slogan of Mussolini’s Black Shirts was “me ne frego” - I don’t give a damn. That’s to say, I don’t give a damn about logic, scientific fact or any other appeal to rationality, I’m going to do what I want on the basis of my baseless but convenient beliefs. This is a growing trend in public discourse and was well and truly on display at the recent anti-lockdown protests.

The Impact of Organised Labour

Another important factor in the rise of these movements is the rapid growth in class consciousness among the working class. People are becoming fed up with the current political climate, they are fed up with the illusion of choice that is the two party system. Socialism is becoming more popular in Australia, and although that has not thrust our party into the mainstream yet, the left in general is astronomically more popular than it was even five years ago. However as both Australia and the world at large witness an upsurge in class consciousness and organisation, they also witness the growth of far-right theories and groupings. Those who are currently threatened, or have the foresight to see they will be threatened, by organised labour within the bourgeois, both big and small, will increasingly turn towards fascism.

This also has historical precedence in our examples of fascist countries. In Italy, Mussolini’s ascension to power was preceded by the “Biennio Rosso” (Two Red Years), where Communists and organised labour grew massively in size and power throughout the nation. Factory councils arose, akin to the Soviets in Russia, and militant action was taken throughout the nation. However, the Blackshirt movement was used to crush the working class upsurge. Originating in the countryside amongst small farmers and merchants, they were used to defeat the growth of organised labour and communists throughout the countryside. They also managed to grow in the cities through their alliance with the big bourgeoisie, who turned to the right in an effort to regain control of their factories and businesses, as well as to intimidate and destroy communists and organised labour. This alliance allowed the Blackshirts to organise into the National Fascist Party and later march on Rome, bringing Mussolini and the fascists to power.

What Can Be Done?

This does not mean all members of the petty-bourgeoisie are a lost cause and should be abandoned to the fascism. As is the reason for their conspiratorial attitude, they are still squeezed by the monopoly forces of capitalism. This gives us as communists an opportunity to sway at least the progressive sections of the petty-bourgeoisie towards a revolutionary solution to their problems. It is essential that the message of the class struggle be communicated to them; they must be educated about the class struggle and how they will benefit from a transition to socialism rather than maintaining the exploitative structure of capitalism. Of course as communists we should never surrender the interests of the working class in favour of the petty-bourgeoisie. However, as has been demonstrated by communist revolutions throughout history they can serve a progressive role when under the leadership of a Marxist-Leninist party. This is most clear in the Chinese Revolution where the Communist Party of China led these progressive sections during the Civil War [3]. They are not doomed to become fascists and it is harmful to believe so.

Conclusion

Another anti-lockdown march looms on the horizon, Saturday the 21st of August. Although it is clear the big bourgeoisie are not directly allied with this petty-bourgeois movement, we must still be vigilant. Fascism is an ever-present danger. The current pandemic and the economic impacts of lockdown have brought capitalism into crisis. It is essential that we observe these petty-bourgeois movements that have started to crop up. We must keep our eyes on how the big bourgeois reacts to the ideological position of the petty-bourgeoisie, and whether they embrace them or not. We must also remember that as both ourselves and organised labour grow in power, the big bourgeoisie will inevitably turn to the small exploiters and de-classed elements to look for fascist foot soldiers. We will see many victories in the coming years, but with that will come greater reaction. We must know our enemy, we must never be complacent, and we must always be ready.

 

References:

Red Kelly
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